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October 2, 2001
Dear Member of Congress:
While we commend the Administration for responding quickly and initiating
the process for reform of our terrorism policy in response to the tragedies
of September 11th, we also laud the Congress for taking the time to consider
the implications of these proposals. We reaffirm the importance of a
vigorous anti-terrorist posture by the federal government and the most
severe penalties possible for those guilty of such unspeakable atrocities.
This is not the time for knee-jerk appeals to civil liberties -- but neither
is it the time to rush headlong into an expansion of the surveillance state
and abridge the Constitutionally-protected rights of US citizens. With
regards to anti-terrorist proposals now circulating through the Congress, it
is important that a deliberate course be followed before granting the
Executive wide discretionary powers, and that measures having little or
nothing to do with fighting terrorism not be passed in a fervor of fear or
revenge.
To that end, we make the following recommendations. Certain sections of the
Administration's proposal go beyond what Congress should consider and must
be rejected. They include:
Section 105 (Use of wiretap information from foreign governments),
Section 156 (Business records),
Section 158 (Disclosure of educational records),
Section 352 (Notice),
Section 406 (Restraint of property subject to forfeiture), and
Section 505 (Assistance to countries co-operating against
international terrorism).
There are also reports that the Treasury Department may propose
further additions to the bill within its broad areas of financial crime,
firearms, explosives (including gunpowder) and arson. This late in the
process, even the strongest supporters of the bill would rightly be very
reluctant to add further complex, controversial and divisive issues such as
these. Any provisions that have not already been discussed with the
respective Judiciary committees and all interested parties should be
reserved for further discussion at a later date, if they are to be
considered at all.
- Attempts to graft the global "Know Your Customer" proposals, such as
S398 and S1371, to an anti-terrorism measure should be rejected out of hand.
These proposals would not have prevented the recent tragedies nor given us
more security but would violate our financial privacy and subject us to
"profiling" for "suspicious" behavior; they would undermine public
confidence in financial institutions and add to regulatory burden at a time
when the economy is in a precarious state. The proposals would undo our
proper checks and balances by giving power to the secretary of the Treasury
sole discretion to prohibit certain types of financial transactions, all
international financial transactions with certain institutions, and
ultimately prohibit all international financial transactions with other
countries. This approach of the Financial Action Task Force has caused
economic dislocations for many small developing economies, especially in the
Caribbean (which potentially undermines our national security), without any
appreciable benefit against the war on terrorism. The proposal to
criminalize the use of cash ("bulk cash smuggling") in certain cases amounts
to capital controls, could cause serious economic problems and would be
subject to abuse which the Supreme Court and Congress have already had to
address (in the Civil Asset Forfeiture Act of 2000).
These other sections of the proposal should be modified:
- Section 101 (Modification of Authorities relating to use of pen
registers and trap and trace devises): This provision extends the use of
pen register and trap and trace orders to the Internet. It also allows a
Federal Judge having jurisdiction over the issuance of such an order to
issue one that is valid anywhere within the United States. Congress should
consider expressly stating that the information to be obtained is not to
include the content of the communication. Header information is acceptable
but not the subject line. Additionally, a challenge to an order should be
permitted in the jurisdiction it was issued or where the order was served.
- Section 103 (Authorized disclosure): The definition of
"investigative and law enforcement officer" should be narrowed to only
include President, Vice President, national security and intelligence
personnel, and law enforcement officials in connection with performing
official duties.
- Section 106 (Interception of computer trespassers communications):
Turns Internet Service Provider (ISP) "terms of service" into license to
intercept email without court order. The Administration proposal says that
anyone accessing a computer "without authorization" has no privacy rights
and can be tapped by the government without a court order, if the operator
of the computer system says its okay. This means that if an ISP's terms of
service say "no downloading copyrighted music," anytime the ISP finds that
someone is downloading music, the ISP can authorize the government to tap
all of that person's communications. A better approach would be to allow
ISPs to seek government assistance when their systems have been commandeered
by a hacker.
- Section 108 (Nationwide service of search warrants for electronic
evidence): This provision would allow the FBI to go to any judge in the
country with arguable jurisdiction over an investigation for a massive
search warrant reaching electronic communications -- potentially of large
numbers of people, located all over the country. These expansive powers are
not limited to terrorism offenses, but, rather, are applicable to any person
or organization which has become an investigatory target. Advocates of this
section argue that, by limiting an electronic search warrant to a "court
with jurisdiction over the offense under investigation," they have somehow
limited its potential for abuse. Unfortunately, by alleging a "conspiracy,"
for example, the government could argue that the offense took place at the
residence or business of any member of the organization. The Second
Amendment community, among others, has been victimized by this type of forum
shopping, as anti-gun activists have sought out the judges most antithetical
to our beliefs. We will fight hard to prevent changes which expand this
potential for abuse.
- Section 151 (Period of orders for electronic surveillance of
non-United States persons under foreign intelligence surveillance): Allows
initial tap of home phone and secret searches of home (black bag jobs) to
run for one year without judicial review. Applies only to aliens in the US.
Already, foreign intelligence taps of office phones and secret searches of
offices can run for one year, while intelligence taps on home phones run for
90 days, three times as long as criminal wiretaps, and secret searches can
be carried out repeatedly for 45 days. The Administration proposal would
extend these periods to one year. Even for foreign nationals, this is too
long to go without the judge having to review the case. At the least, the
government should have to come back within 90 days and 45 days after the
first authorization to show that the search was bearing fruit and that the
suspicions about the target were being borne out.
- Section 152 (Multi-point authority): This section would allow the
government to compel a common carrier, landlord, custodian or other person
not specified in a court order to provide information and assistance with
electronic surveillance if a "court finds that the actions of the target of
the application may have the effect of thwarting the identification of a
specific person." In the words of DoJ, "...the FBI could simply present the
newly discovered carrier, landlord, custodian, or other person with a
generic order issued by a Court, and could then effect FISA coverage as soon
as technically feasible." Thus, as a suspect moves from place to place, the
government can expand its demands to every person or organization the
suspect comes in contact with, without the nicety of judicial review or
consent. If, for instance, a suspect is a delivery man for a common
carrier, a client of that common carrier might well become a subject of a
government wiretap, even though it is not suspected of any crime.
Conservatives and civil libertarians fought a heated battle over a similar
effort in the 1996 terrorism bill. The section has become no less offensive
over time.
- Section 153 (Foreign intelligence Information): Allows the
government to initiate wiretaps in criminal investigations under the weaker
standards permitted for foreign intelligence taps, thereby circumventing the
relatively stricter provisions of the wiretap law. Applies to US citizens as
well as aliens, and not limited to terrorism cases. Foreign intelligence
wiretaps, which were not supposed to be used for the purpose of gathering
evidence in criminal cases, lack many of the protections afforded under the
regular wiretap law - they can be initiated without suspicion of criminal
conduct, they can collect a wider range of information for a longer period
of time, there is usually never notice to the target of the surveillance,
even after the investigation ends, and when they are used as evidence
in a criminal trial, the predicate for the tap cannot be challenged by
the defendant. The real issue is to ensure
consultation between intelligence agents and criminal investigators - that
would not threaten the foundation of FISA. Therefore, rather
than the change proposed by the Administration, a much better
approach would be to amend FISA to expressly state that consultation between
the foreign intelligence/counterintelligence agents and criminal prosecutors
does not deprive an intelligence tap of its primary purpose.
- Section 154 (Foreign intelligence information sharing): This
section would allow grand jury and electronic information, obtained during a
criminal investigation, to be shared freely with "ANY federal law
enforcement-, intelligence-, protective-, or national-defense personnel, or
[with] any federal personnel responsible for administering the immigration
laws of the United States." This list of "intelligence-sharers," arguably
encompassing millions of federal employees, does not require that the
recipient be conducting any investigation to which this highly privileged
information would be relevant. At the very least, this provision should be
amended to add the following language: "if and only if the personnel
receiving the information are conducting an active investigation which is
relevant to the information."
- Section 155 (Pen register and trap and trace authority): Pen
registers and trap and trace authority in regard to FISA was changed in
1998. Currently, the target must be or had engaged in international
terrorism that may violate U.S. criminal law or must be an agent of a
foreign power. Because this section lowers the standard for a FISA pen
register and trap and trace, it should not apply to U.S. citizens.
- Section 157 (Miscellaneous national-security authorities): Consumer
Credit Protection standards are lowered by this section. Currently, the
target must be a foreign power, a person who is not a United States person,
and an official of a foreign power; or an agent of a foreign power who has
or is engaging in international terrorism that may violate U.S. criminal
law. The language in the statute (15 U.S.C 1681(u)) should be maintained.
Alternatively, any changes aiming to lower the standard for access to
consumer credit records, in the name of counterintelligence, should not
apply to U.S. citizens.
- Section 201 (Definitions relating to terrorism): Congress should be
careful not to tar with the terrorist label innocent spouses or children of
suspects, nor those who may have unknowingly given funds to an organization
that supports terrorism. Also, giving funds soley for humanitarian purposes
should not be a deportable offense.
- Section 202 (Mandatory detention of suspected terrorists):
Expansion of the Attorney General's power to detain immigrants suspected of
terrorism should be done carefully and with an eye to due process.
- Section 305 (Biological weapons): Needs to be more narrowly
tailored such as dropping the list of biological agents compiled by HHS.
- Section 309 (Definition): This provision defines the term " Federal
terrorism offense". Other provisions of the bill provide for prosecution
without time limitation and increased penalties for those involved in
illegal conduct that meets this definition. The proposal defines the term
" Federal terrorism offense" as "the
violation of, or an attempt or conspiracy to violate "and then lists
approximately 27 existing crimes. The most troublesome aspect of this
definition is that it includes crimes that common sense tells us are not
terrorist acts in the sense that those acts are generally understood. Some
of the offenses listed relate too: injury to buildings or property over and
under $1,000, violence against maritime navigation, conspiracy to injure
property of a foreign government, arson, assault on a member of congress and
protection of computers. The prospect of prosecutors bringing terrorism
charges against some one who defaces a government building, assaults a
congressman or engages in computer hacking should, at the very least, call
this provision into question.
Congress should consider either limiting the offenses that
constitute the definition of 'federal terrorism offense " to only those
crimes which common sense dictates is a terrorist act or if all the crimes
are to remain include a terrorist mens rea as an element of the crime.
Unfortunately, the inclusion of Section 351, Title 18, in the list
of terrorism predicates might make PETA a terrorist organization because one
of its members hit the Secretary of Agriculture with a pie.
Several suggestions have been made for improving this language:
One would incorporate the "intent test" contained in the definition
of "international terrorism" in section 2331 of Title 18. Another would require
a showing of over $10,000 in intended damages
or an intent to cause death or serious bodily injury. Whatever alternative is
chosen, the current definition is anathema
to virtually every conservative organization.
- Section 354 (Grand jury matters): Grand Jury information is currently
protected. This section aims to permit the information to be shared with a
broad range of U.S. officials. The list should be shortened to U.S. law
enforcement and intelligence personnel. Furthermore, it should only apply to
terrorism cases and court approval should be required before the release of
any grand jury information.
- Section 403 (Assets of terrorist organizations): This section is overly
broad and should have the same limits as we identified in our recommendation
for changes to Section 309.
- Section 405 (Disclosure of tax information in terrorism and
national-security investigations): This section needs to be tightened so
that the requested records are relevant to the investigation being conducted
by the requesting party.
- Section 408 (Extraterritorial Jurisdiction): This section should be narrowed
to apply to terrorism cases specifically.
Necessary adjustments to the law in the fight against terrorism are
applauded by all. But expanding of the police state and curtailing the
Constitutional rights of Americans just hands the eats away at who and what
we are. Tearing down America and her Constitution would only give the
anti-Americans another victory in addition to the carnage they have already
wreaked. Please don't give the terrorists that victory. Think before you
vote.
If you have any questions, please contact J. Bradley Jansen, deputy director
of the Center for Technology Policy at Free Congress Foundation by e-mailing
him at [email protected] or by calling (202) 204-5324.
Signed,
Paul M. Weyrich
President, Free Congress Foundation
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